A New Candidate for Authorship of the JinPing Mei:
BaiYue白悅(1499-1551)*文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
Introduction文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
There is certainly no shortage oftheories in circulation concerning the authorship of the great Ming dynasty(1368-1644) novel Jin Ping Mei 金瓶梅 (also known by thetitle Jin Ping Mei cihua金瓶梅詞話; hereafterJPM), published anonymously probablysometime in the sixteenth century. Among modern scholars writingin Chinese, Japanese, French,and English, more than twenty possible candidates have been proposed. Some ofthem, such as Li Kaixian 李開先(1502-1568), XuWei 徐渭 (1521-1593), Wang Shizhen 王世貞 (1526-1590), and TangXianzu 湯顯祖 (1550-1616) are allfamiliar names in Chinese literary history; others are less well known; a fewstories concerning authorship are even legendary.[1]文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
In all cases, when evidence has beenpresented that purports to identify a potential author of the JPM, that evidence has been circumstantial.In this communication I will not survey and evaluate all of these various authorialattributions. Instead, I propose to add a new and probably unfamiliar name tothe author-candidate list: the Ming dynasty writer and official Bai Yue (zi Zhenfu 貞夫,Zhenfu 貞甫; hao Luoyuan雒原, Luoyuan洛原).文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
Now, I willbe the first to admit that isolated, individual pieces of circumstantialevidence often carry little weight in any argument. Attempts to prove anythingsolely on the basis of indirect suggestion rarely succeed in court rooms or inliterary journals. My purpose in this article is not to prove that Bai Yue isthe author of the JPM. Given the limitedevidence available, this cannot be done. There is no smoking gun. What I haveattempted to do, however, is to suggestthat there is a possible author candidate who until now has been completelyoverlooked by scholars in the field. Furthermore, I will attempt to demonstratethat Bai Yue’s family background, life experiences, and literary talents collectivelyform a strong, circumstantial match to whom the author might have been. Ofcourse, there are certainly many other Ming writers with similar credentials.In my opinion, however, Bai Yue is a better match than all of the other authorcandidates who have been proposed to date. Thus, one purpose of this essay isto suggest that colleagues and students in the field undertake furtherexamination of Bai’s family background, life experiences, and literarycreations—far beyond what is provided in this brief communication. And if it shouldeventually turn out that Bai Yue is the author of the JPM, my view is that this should not affect our reading of thenovel in any direct way, for it stands firmly on its own ground as an independentliterary creation. Having said that, authorial identification could certainlyenhance our knowledge about the motivation behind writing the JPM in the first place and the era in whichit was produced. For instance, it seems virtually certain that one purpose inwriting the novel was to tarnish the reputation of some contemporary politicalfigures (discussed below). This tells us that literary revenge was one factorin its production. Moreover, if the author’s family history and lavishlifestyle were similar to that of Ximen Qing 西門慶), the main character in the JMP—and Bai Yue’s background is certainly a match on this point(also discussed below) , then this can tell us much about how an author’spersonal life experiences can serve as a source for his literary creations. Andfinally, even if the search for the true author of the JPM ultimately fails, the process itself will certainly reveal newknowledge about late-Ming literature, history, and of course the novel itself.This in my view justifies the sort of author-driven scholarship that characterizesthis essay.文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
Family Background andOfficial Career文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
Bai Yue was a native of Wujinxian 武進縣,a Changjiang (or Yangzi) delta town with a long history located in southern Jiangsu(about twenty-five miles northwest of modern Changzhou常州). His family was prominentbecause for consecutive generations it had produced scholars who successfullypassed the national jinshi 進士examination andwent on to serve in the Ming government, many of them with great distinction. BaiYue’s paternal grandfather, Bai Ang 白昂(1435-1503), once held thepost Minister in the Ministry of Justice (Xingbu shangshu 刑部尚書), while hisfather, Bai Qi 白圻(1468-1519), served as ViceCensor-in-Chief in the Censorate (Duchayuan youfu Duyushi 都察院右副都御史).[2] Both are high-rankingoffices. After several failed attempts over a period of about twenty years, BaiYue passed the jinshi examination in1532. Thereafter he followed what turned out to be a largely uneventful careerin government service, during which time he held various low-level offices inthe Ministry of Revenue (Hubu 戶部) and Ministry of Rites (Libu 禮部). Later, however,because he violated a protocol rule concerning the Emperor Jiajing’s 嘉靖 (r. 1521-1567) retinueduring the latter’s royal tour of the south in 1539, Bai was exiled toYongping 永平 (modern Lulong 盧龍xian, Hebei). Afterrelease from exile Bai went on to serve in a series of military posts, only tobe exiled once again, this time to Hejian河間 (modern Cangzhou shi倉州市, Hebei). BaiYue’s final and highest position in government was Attendant in the SealsOffice (Shangbaosi Sicheng 尚寶司司丞), which he held afterhis second recall from exile. It was at this time,following a period of about twenty years of public service, that Bai Yue soughtpermission to retire. His request was granted.文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
Like most of his educated contemporaries,Bai Yue was active as a writer. His surviving oeuvre, titled Luoyuan’s Posthumous Works (Luoyuan yiji 雒原遺集),survives in eight juan. In theirassessment of Bai’s literary talent, the editors of the Abstracts in theGeneral Catalog of the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries (Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao 四庫全書總目提要)heap high praise on his shi 詩poetry:[Bai Yue’s] lines are beautiful and rich, while the spirit behind them is quitepure. His compositions are superior to those of his contemporaries, who justpiled up erudition and pretty words (句調華贍 , 神理頗清 , 視當時襞績者差勝 .).[3] The well-knownMing dynasty literary figure and official Huangfu Fang 皇甫汸(1503-1582),writing in his Preface to the BaiLuoyuan yigao (Bai Luoyuan yigaoxu 白洛原遺稿序), describes Bai’s literary compositions as unrestrainedand clear and serious in meaning, [written] in language that is exquisite andfar reaching (暢朗而思沉 , 語婉麗而致遠 .).[4]文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
Among Bai Yue’s surviving literary works I drawparticular attention to a collection of love stories titled Completely Illustrated and Newly Printed BeautifulSight Collection (Quanxiang xinjuanyijian shangxin pian全像新鐫一見賞心篇; hereafter Beautiful Sight Collection ).[5] The preface of thisanthology is especially important for my purposes in this essay, and later Iwill refer to it on several occasions. In fact, I should probably mention thatit was similar comments about a fondness for this type of story sincechildhood (I am parapasing) in the prefaces to both the Beautiful Sight Collection and JPMthat initially led me to connect Bai Yue with the novel. 文章源自 四大名著网:http://www.sdmz.cn四大名著-http://www.sdmz.cn/51303.html
The most important primary sources on Bai Yue’sbiography are the following: (1) Tomb Stele Obituary forMaster Bai, Nom de Plume Luoyuan, Attendant in the Seals Office(Shangbaosi SichengLuoyuan Baigong mubeiming尚寶司司丞洛原白公墓碑銘;hereafter Tomb Stele Obituary) writtenby his good friend and fellow official in the capital,Wang Weizhen王維楨(1507-1556); and (2) TombAccount Obituary for Gentleman Bai, Nom de Plume Luoyuan, Retired from the Post Attendant in the Seals Office (ShangbaosiSicheng zhiren Luoyuan Baijun muzhiming 尚寶司司丞致仕洛原白君墓誌銘; hereafter TombAccount Obituary), written by Xu Jie 徐階(1503-1583).[6] Bai Yue’s son, Bai Qichang 白啟常(dates uncertain),[7]was acquainted with Xu Jie, probably because Qichang’s wife and Xu were bothfrom Huating 華亭(modern Songjiang 松江in Shanghai). Thus, it seems virtually certain thatBai Yue knew him as well, and this helps to explain why his son would ask XuJie to compose an obituary for his deceased father. That Xu Jie hadformerly served in the prestigious and powerful post of Grand Secretary (Shoufu 首輔) broughtmore public attention to the obituary and thereby served to enhance theposthumous reputation of Bai Yue.
Names and Places
Thefirst important piece of evidence that links Bai Yue with the JPM concerns two, related toponyms. Bai’snative place, as mentioned earlier, was Wujin in Jiangsu. Like many othercities and towns in China, over its long history of more than 2,000 years Wujinwas known by several different names. One of these designations, Lanling 蘭陵, dates from the sixth century; specifically, under theLiang 梁dynasty (502-557) when it was used as the name of atown and commandery (jun 郡) in Jiangsu.[8]Several modern scholars have correctlypointed out that Lanling was also employed in ancient times to designate aplace in Shandong. These same scholars contend that since the JPM makes use of terms drawn from adialect peculiar to Shandong, then Lanling must refer to a somewhere inShandong. Based on internal evidence from the novel itself, however, I rejectthis argument. In a passage that appears in chapter 57 of JPM, a reign name (nianhao年號) of Emperor Wu of the (Southern) Liangdynasty (Liang Wudi 梁武帝; r. 502-549), thegreat patron of Buddhism, is mentioned in conjunction with the founding date ofa monastery in Dongping fu 東平府,Shandong. The founding date of the monastery is given as the second year ofthe Putong 普通reign of EmperorWu, which corresponds to 522.[9] The name Dongping fucertainly accords with the Shandong settingof the novel, which was selected by the author of the JPM so he could continue the story of Wu Song 武松and his group of Shandong bandits as itwas told in the earlier Ming novel, Shuihuzhuan 水滸傳(WaterMargin; sometimes translated as AllMen Are Brothers or Outlaws of theMarsh). The historical territoryof the Emperor Wu’s Liang dynasty, however, was situated well south of the HuaiRiver (Huaihe 淮河), with nogeographical connection to Shandong whatsoever. As it turns out, the BasicAnnals (Benji 本紀) of Emperor Wu inthe Liangshu identifies him as anative of Duli village in Southern Lanling (南蘭陵中都里人).[10] By the Ming dynasty whathad previously been known as Southern Lanling fell under the administrativejurisdiction of Wujin town in Jiangsu.[11] Thisseems to support the argument, then, that Lanling in the novel has a Jiangsurather than Shandong affiliation. Bai Yue would certainly havebeen aware that Liang Wudi (like Bai himself) was a native of Wujin, and as aresult may have wittingly or unwittingly used Emperor Wu’s reign namereference. No previously published work on the authorship of the JPM has noted this important connectionbetween Wujin and Lanling on the one hand, and Bai Yue and Emperor Wu on theother.
Thename Lanling is relevant to our discussion in two other important ways.First, the author of the JPM, as iswell known, refers to himself (in the first preface of the novel) by thepseudonym Lanling xiaoxiao sheng 蘭陵笑笑生(lit.,the Joyous Young Man of Lanling).[12] Note thatthere is a direct correlation in meaning between the expression xiaoxiao in the author’s pseudonym andBai’s given name Yue悅, which also means joyous orhappy. Second, the Jin Ping Mei cihuahas a preface that is signed with the name Xinxinzi 欣欣子;lit., the Master of Joy.[13] Theexpressions Xiaoxiaosheng and Xinxinzi are clearly synonyms ornear-synonyms. I suspect that both terms refer to the author of the JPM, and that they suggest a possibleconnection with Bai Yue.
Significance of theNumber Twenty
The opening chapter of the Jin Ping Mei cihua has a colophon signedNian gong 廿公; lit., Master Twenty. Keeping in mindthat it was extremely unusual in traditional China for an author to use aname—even a pseudonym—that began with a number,it is possible, even likely, that Master Twenty is an oblique self-referenceto Bai Yue himself. Evidence exists that supports this connection. Forinstance, in the Preface to his BeautifulSight Collection, Bai himself remarks:
Ever since my ‘martial arts’ years Ihave been obsessed and addicted to unofficial histories and novels. Whenever Iburned sandalwood incense and brewed tea, I would open a book and start reading…. It did not matter if it was a fine spring morning or nice moon-lit evening,or if heavy snow from the north was flying down, driving off silverfish withthe cold. Nor did I care how many times the calendar plant died—I never put abook down.[14]But each time I have mounted the official carriage and went to take the jinshi examination in the capital, mylonging to read unofficial histories and novels had to stop. This patternrepeated itself for almost twenty years(italics mine), each time with me failing the examination (不佞自舞象之歲，津津嗜野史稗說，當焚檀瀹茗，開縑散芸時，勿論月夕花晨，即朔雪翂飛乎逐蠹魚走之，屢度蓂莢，弗徹也已，恐其妨公車業，念稍寢奈濩落幾廿年，無能分曲江半席地).[15]
Theterm wuxiang 舞象 (alternately, xiangwu 象舞, wuwu 武舞),rendered here as martial arts, refers to a variety of physical training thatyoung men typically engaged in around the time they are fifteen years old. The pointhere, then, is that from the time Bai Yue was a teenager he was obsessed andaddicted to unofficial histories and novels. Of course, there is nothing especiallyremarkable about this activity in itself, nor is there any surprise about Bai’sfear that it might interfere with his study and preparation for the civilservice examinations. This explains why he was forced to curtail his readingfor pleasure. However, we know from his biography that Bai Yue sat for theexaminations several times, perhaps on four different occasions,[16]only to fail each time because of one unfortunate mishap after another. Thispattern continued for a period of about twentyyears, until he eventually passed the jinshiexamination in 1532 (that is, approximately twentyyears after he studied martial arts as a teenager). In this context thenumber twenty certainly has no particular significance. But there is more.
As previously mentioned, Bai Yue’scareer as a government official was neither long nor especially noteworthy.Wang Weizhen, writing in the Tomb Stele Obituary,observes: From the time that Master Bai passed the official examination untilhe held a position in the Seals Office, it was about twenty years (italics mine), and he never reached office above thesixth grade (白公自登第至為尚寶，侵尋二十年，官不過六品).[17]Additionally, Xu Jie, in his Tomb Account Obituaryfor Bai Yue quotes the following deathbed remarks, supposedly made by Bai Yueto his son Qichang: I have been in public service for twenty years (italics mine), always busy but accomplishing nothing.Now if I am able to offer up this old bag of bones to my final resting place, mygreatest wish will then be fulfilled (吾食祿二十年，碌碌無補，茲得奉骸骨以歸，於吾願足矣).[18]
As acknowledged by his biographers andby Bai Yue himself, then, the number twenty had great significance in hislife, indicating (1) the approximate number of years it took him before he passedthe jinshi examination; and (2) the approximatenumber of years he served in public office. This of course does not prove thatMaster Twenty in the Jin Ping Mei cihuacolophon is in fact Bai Yue, but this moniker does fit neatly into Bai’s lifeexperiences as he himself (and his biographer-friends) described them. SinceBai Yue openly admits to have never accomplished anything while in public office,Master Twenty could certainly have served nicely as an appropriate, anonymous,and self-denigrating inside joke on himself. It should also be mentioned thatthe colophon was clearly penned by someone who was afraid that readers mightmisunderstand the JPM author’s intentionsand purposes, and so explanation was provided. A colophon included among thefront matter of the novel (it follows the Master of Joy Preface) provided aconvenient vehicle by which to make such an explanation. Since we know thecolophon was written before the novel was published,[19]its author—to have had possession of the manuscript before publication[20]—wasprobably someone acquainted with the author (or a friend or relative), and,like Bai Yue, was active during the Jiajing reign of the Ming dynasty.
Family Background
It is important that we now take acloser look at Bai Yue’s biography because his family experiences suggest apossible connection with the author of the JPM.Now, as already mentioned, the prominence of the Bai family of Wujin in thesixteenth century was based mainly on the high government posts held by andprestigious careers of Bai Ang (Bai Yue’s grandfather) and Bai Qi (his father),as well as the fact that Bai Yue and his son Qichang both successfully passedthe jinshi examination (the son passedin 1550). Wang Jiusi 王九思 (1468-1551), the well-known poet and dramatist,writing in his obituary for Bai Yue’s mother titled Tomb Account Obituary for MotherBai, Née He, Who Was Conferred the Title ‘Virtuous One’ by Former ImperialMandate of the Ming Dynasty and Now Buried Together with Her Husband (Ming gugao feng shuren Baimu Heshi hezang muzhiming 明故誥封淑人白母何氏合葬墓誌銘)remarks: Presumably, the Bai family in former times was very well off. Also,Master Duxian and his son both held high positions, and their extravagance and arroganceresulted from their prosperity (蓋白氏家故殷富，又都憲公父子繼位通顯，奢靡驕惰所易興也).[21]Numerous critics have pointed out that the story narrated inthe JPM—although set in the Songdynasty—reflects various aspects of Ming social life, especially the dark sideof the inner circles of officialdom and profligate family life. I doubt highly thata novel like JPM could have ever beenwritten by a common official or professional writer. Its author certainly hadintimate knowledge of what life was like in a wealthy and influential officialfamily. Again, this in itself does not directly connect Bai Yue with the novel,but certainly suggests a possible link.
The Bai Family RockGarden
Like many affluent families during theMing dynasty, the Bai family compound in Wujin included a large rock garden.This garden was built under the direction of Bai Qi, Bai Yue’s father. Writingin his preface to Bai Yue’s collected poetry and prose, Bai Luoyuan yigao, Huangpu Fang皇浦汸 (1497-1582;Huangpu Fang was a friend of Bai Yue; his elder brother, Huangpu Xiao皇浦涍, passed the jinshi examination in 1532, the same year as Bai Yue)makes the following observation:
In the past, Bai Yue’s father, the ViceCensor, began employing stone masons to build a garden. Even on frosty mornings,the trees there are green and dense, and just like Zheng Zhuang he set up reststations [toaccommodate] visitors, who came and went from morning to night.[22]The gentleman (that is, Bai Yue) is gallant and generous, and helps otherswho are in urgent need. The local people call him the lively and elegant youngman. For anyone whose reaches Jingkou (that is, Zhengjiang 鎮江), coming by way of the LüRiver, if he does not visit the Bai Family Garden, he will regret it. If hedoes not see Master Bai, he will fear being regarded (by others) as being vulgar.The gentleman’s fame has been known toughout the world for a very long timenow (在昔，中丞昉石家以治園，霜晨靃靡；擬鄭莊而置驛，星旦繽紛君復任俠樂施，趨人緩急，里中以翩翩公子稱之凡舟抵京口，道出閭江，不游白氏園者，以欠事負愧；不睹白公子者，以俗物興譏，君名聞於海內亦久矣).[23]
Thelively and elegant young man mentioned in this passage is Bai Yue. Judgingfrom Huangpu Fang’s description, the Bai Family Garden was quite extensive andwell endowed with luxuriant flower and plant growth. This of course would helpto explain the heavy parade of visitors, who came not only to view thebeautiful sights in the garden itself, but also to get a glimpse of its famousmaster (that is, Bai Yue).
Wang Chong 王寵(1494-1533),a well-known Ming calligrapher, heaps additional praise on the Bai FamilyGarden in his poem Baishiyuan yanji 白氏園燕集 (Swallows Gatheringin the Bai Family Garden):
金谷王孫燕, InGold Valley, noble scions once attended a banquet,[24]
名園選日開 . Wherethe famous garden was opened on an auspiciousday.
地藏南國岨; Theearth there conceals the Southern Kingdom’s rocky terrain;
花借上林栽 . The flowersthere are transplants from the Shanglin Park.[25]
峰勢三臺象 ; The peaks’ contourssuggest the ambiance of the Tee Terraces;
賓游四海來 . Tongsof visitors come from all four directions.
玉杯淹坐久 , Jadewine cups overflow, while guests sit for a long time;
深愧鄴中才 . Howashamed I am to lack the talent in Ye.[26]
Inhis poem Wang Chong likens the Bai Family Garden to the famous Tee Terraces[27]of Cao Cao 曹操(155-220; he is referredto in the ultimate line as the talent in Ye) during the Tee Kingdoms period (220-280),and by so doing suggests directly that the Bai Family Garden was anextraordinary place. Mention of guests arriving from the four directions, theirwine cups overflowing during extended conversation, further suggests that thepleasure enjoyed in the Bai Garden was no less than that of visitors to CaoCao’s Tee Terraces in Ye.[28]
In the Jin Ping Mei cihua, the main character Ximen Qing’s flower gardenbehind the Shenzhai dayuan 深宅大院is one of the mostimportant locations in the novel because many incidents therein took place inthis garden. Of course, rich Ming dynasty merchants had the financial means topossess a great flower garden like that of Ximen Qing, but a merchant could neverwrite a novel like the JPM. On theother hand, many Ming literati possessed the literary skills to write such anovel, but few of them were rich enough to own such a magnificent garden. BaiYue’s experiences, as we have already seen, seem to accord with both of thesequalifications. Did the Bai Family Garden served as the inspiration for and prototypeof Ximen Qing’s Rear Flower Garden? Of course, there is no way to prove this,but it at least seems possible, especially because Bai Yue himself had his own gardencomplex, which he humbly styled Luoyuan’s Thatched Hall [Garden] (Luoyuancaotang 洛原草堂).In fact, the well-known Ming dynasty artist WenZhengming 文徵明(1470-1559) executed a painting of Bai Yue’s gardenthat survives and is housed in the National Palace Museum in Beijing (Fig. 1). Thispainting, completed in 1529, reveals an elaborate and grandiose garden complex,one that could certainly have served as the prototype of Ximen Qing’s RearFlower Garden in the novel.
[Fig.1 should be placed about here]
Fig. 1.Luoyuan’s Thatched Hall (Luoyuan caotang tu洛原草堂圖),by Wen Zhengming (1470-1559). Ink and color on silk, 28.8 cm x 94 cm. Courtesyof the National Palace Museum, Beijing.
A Sojourn to Shandong
As is well known, the story line in the JPM takes place in Qinghe xian 清河縣,Shandong.[29]Heavy use in the novel of local dialect slang terms common to the general areaof Shandong[30]has led many scholars to speculate that the author of the JPM has some sort of Shandong connection; otherwise, how would heknow of such terms and why would he employ them so often in the novel? As itturns out, Bai Yue’s paternal grandfather, Bai Ang, was once sent to Shandong in1490 to help bring the Yellow River under control. Moreover, Bai Yue’s father,Bai Qi, once served as a Left Government Envoy (Zuo Buzheng shi左布政使; this positionis similar to that of Provincial Governor) in Shandong sometime between 1506and 1517,[31]when Bai Yue would have been a young boy or teenager (roughly, between nine andtwenty years old). And Bai Yue himself mentions on several occasions in hiscollected literary works that in his youth he accompanied his father to Shandong.[32]Since government officialsusually held administrative appointments for tee years, it seems very likely BaiYue would have spent at least this amount of time in Shandong. Now, since JPM was written and designed to functionas a continuation of Shuihu zhuan (thestory of which is set in Shandong), it is not surprising that elements ofShandong dialect would be employed in the novel to flavor it with some local linguisticcolor. Here are just two examples. In Shandong dialect the characters 藥and 月are both pronounced yao. Hence, in chapter 94 of JPM when the maid Haitang 海棠requestssome medicine to relieve a stomach disorder, she asks for some yao 月 (in other words, since 藥and 月are homophones inShandong dialect, 月isused as a substitute written form of 藥).Another example occurs in chapter 79 where the author employs the expression xugu 徐顧,which in Shandong dialect means pay attention to or take notice of.[33]There are many other similar examples scattered toughout the novel. Given BaiYue’s experience living in Shandong, he certainly would have commanded thenecessary linguistic skills and knowledge to employ such expressions.[34]
Bai Yue’s Friendshipwith Kang Hai 康海(1475-1541), WangJiusi, and Li Kaixian
There is frequent mention of plays anddramatic performances in the JPM, andon several occasions the author quotes directly from Yuan dynasty (1260-1368) andcontemporary Ming plays. Of course, there is nothing at all unusual about this.Despite its Song dynasty setting, the author of the JPM generously depicts many of the pleasures of late Ming life,among which is dramatic performance. In fact, during the Ming it was notunusual for wealthy families to employ entire troupes of actors.
The author of the JPM was especially fond of plays. For instance, there are lines of qu 曲versecited from the famous Yuan zaju 雜劇dramaXixiang ji 西廂記 (Story of the WesternWing), as well as quotations from variousMing southern-style chuanqi 傳奇plays.Especially notable in this regard are the quotations in chapters 61, 67, 69, 70,and 79 of the novel that are cited directly from Li Kaixian’s popular drama Storyof the Precious Sword (Baojian ji 寶劍記). In fact, LiKaixian’s play is one of the most important sources drawn upon by the author ofthe JPM, and this (along with otherreasons, such as the fact that Li was a native of Shandong) has led somescholars, such as Patrick Hanan, to attribute the authorship of the JPM to Li Kaixian.[35]
What is also notable in the context ofour discussion is that Bai Yue was personally acquainted with several famouscontemporary writer-playwrights, including Li Kaixian, Kang Hai, and Wang Jiusi.[36]Now, although Bai Yue met socially with Kang and Wang on several occasions, hedoes not quote from any of their works in the JPM. On the other hand, as already mentioned, numerous quotationsfrom Li Kaixian’s Story of the Precious Sword appear toughout the novel. Whywould the author of the JPM quote soextensively from the Story of the Precious Sword? There are at least teepossible reasons for this. First, Bai Yue and Li Kaixian were not just socialacquaintances, but in fact were close friends and no doubt met on manyoccasions between 1538 and 1540 when both were serving in the capital. Li was awriter of considerable talent and reputation and these gatherings would havecertainly had a tremendous impact on Bai Yue, even though Li Kaixian was teeyears his junior. Second, the storyline in Story of the Precious Sword isbased on the Lin Chong林冲episode in the Shuihu zhuan cycle, which of course fitsnicely into Song dynasty Shuihusetting of the JPM.[37]
A third possible reason relates to theexecution of Xia Yan 夏言 (1482-1548), a high-ranking government official, in1548. Many contemporary observers believed that Yan Song 嚴嵩(1481-1568),who served as Grand Secretary under the Jiajing emperor (Xia Yan had also heldthis post), framed Xia in order to eliminate him as a political rival. In anyevent, following Xia Yan’s execution, Yan Song and his son, Yan Shifan 巖世蕃 (died 1565) dominatedCourt politics for years. For many contemporaries, however, they symbolized themoral decadence and corruption that characterized the reign of the Jiajingemperor. What is especially fascinating is that the position held by Bai Yue inthe Seals Office (mentioned earlier) had been previously held by none otherthan Yan Shifan. It seems possible, then, even likely, that Bai Yue drew uponthe Lin Chong episode in Li Kaixian’s play Story of the Precious Sword out ofsympathy for Xia Yan (in the Shuihucycle, Lin Chong, like Xia Yan, is framed by a powerful political enemies;unlike Xia Yan, however, Lin survives numerous attempts on his life andeventually becomes one the heroes of Liangshan Marsh)and from a desire to cast aspersions on the moral reputation of Yan Shifan. Ifthis was Bai Yue’s intention, he succeeded, for Yan Shifan was later executedfor his alleged collusion with Japanese pirates. As for Yan Song, he (alongwith his grandsons) was degraded to the status of a commoner and died a pauper.
Literature, Politics, and Allegory
Literary historians and critics, bothtraditional and modern, have interpreted the JPM in various ways. Oneinterpretation that in my view merits close attention comes from the prominentMing writer and literary critic Shen Defu 沈德符(1578-1642):
I have heard that this [novel] waswritten by a great, famous scholar of the Jiajing period, who [therein] denouncescontemporary affairs. Cai Jing and his son refer to Fenyi (that is, to Yan Songand his son Yan Shifan); Lin Lingsu refers to Tao Zhongwen; Zhu Xun refers toLu Bing. The other [historical characters in the novel] each have their [contemporary]associations as well (聞此為嘉靖間大名士手筆聞，指斥時事，如蔡京父子則指分宜，林靈素則指陶仲文，朱勔則指陸炳，其他各有所屬云).[38]
A Qing dynasty work titled Hanhua an suibi寒花盦隨筆 makes a similar observation:
The booktransmitted tough the generations, Jin PingMei, written by Mr. Wang Yanzhou (Shizhen), is used to mock Yan Shifan. XimenQing in the novel in fact is the personification of Shifan. Shifan was alsonamed Qing, and Ximen was also named Qing. Shifan’s nom de plume is Donglou. This novel uses Ximen to counter Shifan (世傳《金瓶梅》一書為王弇州(世貞)先生手筆，用以譏嚴世蕃者書中西門慶即世蕃之化身，世蕃亦名慶，西門亦名慶，世蕃號東樓，此書即以西門對之).[39]
Severalscholars have already convincingly argued against the theory that Wang Shizhenwas the author of the JPM, so thatissue need not concern us.[40] Themore relevant point here is that Shen Defu and the author of the Hanhua an suibi both interpret the JPM as a historical-political allegory.[41]Although set in the closing years of the Northern Song dynasty, and populatedwith a cast of historical figures such as Cai Jing 蔡京(1046-1126), the corrupt and treacherous Songdynasty prime minister; Lin Lingsu 林靈素 (died ca. 1125), the power hungry advisorwho convinced the emperor Huizong 徽宗(r.1100-1126) that he was a Daoist saint; and Zhu Mian 朱勔(died1126),the corrupt government official who accumulated great illegal wealth procuringexotic rocks and plants for Huizong’s Genyue 艮嶽pleasure park inKaifeng, these characters in fact represent contemporary Ming political figureswho the author wished to satirize and criticize. The most important among thesecharacters is the infamous Song chancellor Cai Jing and his son Cai You 蔡攸 (1077-1126). In Shuihu zhuan (andmany other sources), Cai Jing is portrayed as a corrupt and dangerousgovernment official who wields great political influence. To maintain hispower, he frames many loyalists for treason (and thereby forcing them to becomeoutlaws at Liangshan Marsh).
If we follow ShenDefu’s interpretation, then Cai Jing and his powerful son Cai You, as they are negativelyportrayed in the Shuihu zhuan and JPM, are in fact are used to representthe debauched and decadent Yan Song and his son Yan Shifan. I findthis argument to be convincing, especially as it relates to Yan Shifan’swell-known qualities of extravagance and licentiousness.[42] Judging by the descriptivecomments in his official biography in the Mingshi明史 (OfficialHistory of the Ming), Yan Shifan had has a short neck and fatbody, and one of his eyes was smaller than the other. Moreover, we are told that he dailyengaged in debauchery in his home, and became powerful tough his father.[43] Clearly, then, thedepraved and profligate image of Yan Shifan in his Mingshi biography bears striking resemblance to that of Ximen Qingin the novel.
Textual Transmission
Patrick Hanan, Andrew H. Plaks, andothers have studied and described the textual transmission process of the JPM in great detail, and itis certainly not my intention here to repeat the findings of their research.And while the dating and filiation of the earliest printed edition of the Jin Ping Mei cihua (1618)[44]is complex, there is one important issue that relates to both the textualtransmission process and Bai Yue’s possible authorship of the novel. Again, weturn to comments by Shen Defu in his Wanliyehuo bian:
Yuan Zhonglang in his Shangzheng (The Rules of Drinking Games),regards the Shuihu zhuan andJin Ping Mei as unofficial classics.I regret that I have not been able to see the Jin Ping Mei. In the bingwuyear (1606) I met with Zhonglang at his residence in the capital. I asked himif he had or did not have a complete copy (of the novel). He replied: ‘I havelooked at some chapters, which were quite marvelous. Now only Liu Chengxi, zi Yanbai, from Macheng has a completecopy. Presumably it was copied for him from the manuscript of Xu Wenzhen, towhose family his wife belongs.[45]Tee years later, when Xiaoxiu went to the capital to take the jinshi examination, he had a copy of thebook. Thus I borrowed the book, made a copy, and brought it home with me. Myfriend from Wu (or Suzhou), Feng Youlong, saw it and was pleasantly surprised.He persuaded a bookstore to [make copies] and sell them at a high price....Subsequently, I hid the book away in a book box. Not long afterwards it was forsale everywhere in Wu (or Suzhou) (袁中郎《觴政》以《金瓶梅》配《水滸傳》為外典，予恨未得見丙午遇中郎京邸，問曾有全帙否? 曰：第睹數卷，甚奇快今惟麻城劉涎白承禧家有全本，蓋從其妻家徐文貞錄得者又三年，小修上公車，已攜有其書因與借抄挈歸吳友馮猶龍見之驚喜，慫恿書坊以重價購刻……遂固篋之未幾時，而吳中懸之國門矣……).[46]
Shen Defu’s comments in this passage weremade in 1606, twenty-tee years after the death of Xu Jie. Zhonglang refersto the Gong’an 公安School author YuanHongdao 袁宏道 (zi Zhonglang中郎; 1568-1610); Xu Wenzhen is Xu Jie(Wenzhen is a posthumous name), author of Bai Yue’s Tomb Account Obituary; Xiaoxiu is YuanHongdao’s young brother Yuan Zhongdao中郎;1568-1610); and Feng Youlong is the famous short-story writer Feng Menglong 馮夢龍(1574-1646).From the quoted passage it appears that the earliest known complete copy of the Jin PingMei was that of Xu Jie. That is to say, among the Ming writers who owned ormentioned the existence of complete copies of the novel, Xu Jie is theearliest.[47]We also know that the source of the complete edition once in the possession ofLiu Chengxi was Xie Jie. It also seems possible, even likely, that Xu Jie’sinterest in the novel was not limited to its literary value: Xu Jie and YanSong (and Yan Shifan) were political enemies, and so the JPM could have been regarded by Xu Jie as a tool with which hecould embarrass or attack the Yans.
But this raises yet another question:where did Xu Jie get his complete copy of the novel? In my view the most likelysource was Bai Yue. It will be recalled that Bai Yue’s son asked Xu Jie tocompose an obituary for his father, which indicates that Xu and Bai Yue had aclose relationship. And let us not forget that Bai Yue and Xu Jie had a commonenemy: Yan Song and Yan Shifan, who assassinated Bai’s friend Xia Yan. A remarkin by Xu Jie in his Tomb Account Obituary for Bai Yue suggests another possible connectionbetween Bai Yue, Xu Jie, and the manuscript of the JPM:
On the day when Mr. Bai Luoyuan passedon, and his son Qichang was managing the sacrifices, he first asked Grand HistorianWu Zefeng (dates unknown) to write a commemorative biography, then asked me towrite a tomb obituary (for his father, Bai Yue). Qichang had taken a wife fromHuating and held office in the Ministry of Rites. He moreover remarked: The lifeof the gentleman (that is, his father, Bai Yue) from the Seals Office is fated. I [thus] cannotdecline [his request]…. (洛原白君既卒踰月，其子祠祭主事啟常奉吳太史澤峰狀請予為銘啟常娶于華亭而官於禮部，且曰：尙寶君之治，命也予不得辭).[48]
The fact that Xu Jie and Bai Qichang’s wife bothcame from Huating indicates yet another connection between the Bai family andXu Jie and the earliest-known complete manuscript of the novel. Is it possible,then, that Bai Qichang might have given the complete manuscript to Xu Jie, sohe could use it against the Yans and perhaps get revenge for their murder ofhis father’s friend Xia Yan? Could this manuscript have been the exemplar textof the novel?[49]Maybe.
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*I would like express thanks toProfessors Charles Hartman and James M. Hargett, both of the University atAlbany, State University of New York, for their valuable comments on earlierdrafts of this essay and assistance in its preparation for publication.
[1] Useful and informativesurveys of previous scholarship on the authorship and dating of the JPM appear in the following works: XuShuofang 徐朔方, Jin Ping Mei chengshu xintan 金瓶梅成書新探, in Zhonghua wenshi luncong 中華文史論叢3 (1984): 159-98; David T. Roy, The Case for T’angHsien-tsu’s Authorship of the Jin PingMei, Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 8.1-2 (July1986): 31-62; and Andrew H. Plaks, ChinP’ing Mei: Inversion of Self-Cultivation, in The Four Masterworks of the Ming Novel, Ssu ta ch’i-shu 四大奇書) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 55-180.
[2] English translations ofChinese official titles mentioned in this communication generally follow thosein Charles O. Hucker’s A Dictionary ofOfficial Titles in Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford: University Press,1985).
[3] Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965),177.1587.
[4] Huangfu Fang, Preface to the Bai Luoyuan yigao (Sikuquanshu cunmu congshu 四庫全書存目叢書ed.) (Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1996), 96:98(Preface).
[5] This collection and itspreface survive in a rare (printed) edition held at the Harvard-YenchingLibrary, which probably dates from the late Ming. For additional information onthis collection, see Xu Yongming 徐永明, Mingdai xiaoshuo ji Yijianshangxin bian de bianzuan ji qi chatu jieti明代小說集〈一見賞心編〉的編纂及其插圖解題, in Zhongzhengdaxue xuebao中正大學學報1 (Journal of National Chung Cheng University; Taiwan) (2010): 26589.
[6] Xu Jie, Shijingtang ji 世經堂集(Siku quanshu cunmu congshued.), 16.704.
[7] Bai Yue had two wives. Hemarried his first wife, née Zou 鄒, when he was twenty-one, but she died a year later, leavingone daughter. We know that Bai altogether had five sons and five daughters.This means that nine of these children were produced by his second wife, néeYang 楊, and perhaps (?) one or more concubines.Xu Jie, Shijingtang ji, 16.705.
[8] See Gu Zuyu 顧祖禹(1631-1692),comp., Dushi fangyu jiyao 讀史方域紀要 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005), 25.1223.
[9]Mei Jie 梅節,ed., Jin Ping Mei cihua 金瓶梅詞話 (Hong Kong: Mengmingguan, 1993), 57.717.
[10]Yao Cha 姚察(533-606) and Yao Silian 姚思廉(d. 637), comps., Liangshu 梁書(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000),1.1.
[11]Ming Yitong zhi明一統志(Wenyuange Siku quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書ed.), 472.245.
[12] Cf. the comments by DavidTod Roy in the Introduction to the first volume of his English translation ofthe JPM, The Plum in the Golden Vase or Chin P’ing Mei, Volume One: The Gathering(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), xxiii, who translates Lanlingxiaoxiao sheng as the Scoffing Scholar of Lanling. Professor Roy contendsthat Lanling xiaoxiao sheng alludes to Xunzi 荀子, the well-known Confucianphilosopher of the third century BCE, because Xunzi once served as magistrateof Lanling in Shandong. Moreover, Roy argues, since both Xunzi and the authorof the JPM were both motivated towrite by a desire to diagnose the evils of contemporary society, it makessense for the author of the novel to employ the name Lanling as his pseudonym(xxiii). Professor Roy also cites a preface to Xunzi’s Works written by Liu Xiang 劉向(79-8 BCE), who mentions how the ancient philosopherscoffed (xiao 笑) at the immoralstatus-seekers of his day. Cf.also the comments by Xu Shuofang徐朔方 in his article Jin Ping Mei, Xunzi, Huang Liangshan zhuang: Jin PingMei cihua yingyi ben ‘xulun’ shuping金瓶梅 , 荀子 , 荒凉山莊 : 金瓶梅詞話英譯本緒論述評, Jilindaxue shehui kexue xuebao吉林大学社会科学学报 4 (1994): 72-76, whoattempts to refute Professor Roy’s argument.
[13] This preface istranslated in Roy, The Plum in the GoldenVase, 1:3-5.
[14] Silverfish (duyu 蠹魚; also called yin 蟫, yiyu 衣魚) is an insect thatdestroys books and clothing. It has silvery white fine scales and split tail,and in shape somewhat resembles a fish. Calendar plant (mingjia 蓂莢; also called lijia歷莢) is an auspicious plantthat would produce one new pod (jia 莢) on the first fifteendays of every month, and then lose one pod from the sixteenth to the last dayof the month. Thus, by counting the number of pods on the plant, one coulddetermine the correct day of the month. Hence the name calendar plant.
[15] Preface (no pagenumber). This Preface was composed just before Bai Yue passed the jinshi examination in 1532.
[16] If we count from the timeBai Yue was twenty years old until he was thirty-five (when he passed the jinshi), this would mean that he failedthe examination four or five times (in other words, once every tee years overa period of fifteen years).
[17] Wang Weizhen, Huaiye xiansheng cunsi gao 槐野先生存笥稿 (Xuxiu Siku quanshu 續修四庫全書ed.), 9.94.
[18] Shijingtang ji, 16.704.
[19] Since the colophonmentions (in David Tod Roy’s translation): Those who disseminate this book inthe future will earn immeasurable merit (今後流行此書 , 功德無量矣.), it seemsthat the preface was written before the JPMwas published and in general circulation.
[20] At least a portion of theJPM circulated in manuscript formbefore the first-known printed editions of the novel appeared in the earlyseventeenth century.
[21] Wang Jiusi, Meipo xuji渼陂續集 (Xuxiu Siku quanshu ed.), 2.206.
[22] This line alludes toZheng Dangshi鄭當時(zi Zhuang 莊),who set up comfortable rest areas for travelers coming to and from Chang’anduring the Han dynasty. The idea here is that Bai Yue’s father, like ZhengDangshi, was a gracious and hospitable host to visitor-travelers.
[23] Huangpu Fang, BaiLuoyuan yigao xu (Siku quanshu cunmucongshu ed.), 96.98.
[24] The reference here is toa well-known scenic area (or garden) near Luoyang owned by Shi Chong 石崇(249-300). In 296 a famous gathering of literary men tookplace there.
[25] The Shanglin Park was ahuge, elaborate royal parkland built by Emperor Wu of the Han (Han Wudi 漢武帝; r. 141-87 BCE) locatedin the suburbsof Chang’an.
[26] Bian Yongyu卞永譽, ed., Shigutang shuhua huikao式古堂書畫匯考(Siku quanshu 四庫全書ed.), 26:828.119.
[27] These terraces werecalled Icy Well (Bingjin 冰井), Bronze Sparrow (Tongque 銅雀), and Gold Tiger (Jinhu 金虎)
[28] The famous poet Xie Lingyun 謝靈運(385-433), in the preface to his Poems After the Style ofthe Collected Poems of the Assembly in Ye by the Crown Prince of Wei (擬魏太子鄴中集詩) describes the palaces of Ye in the following terms:At the end of the Jian’an period, for a time I was in the palace of Ye. Inthe morning we would go on outings and in the evenings we would banquet. Wereached the ultimate in delight and joy. (建安末，余時在鄴宮，朝游夕燕，究歡愉之極).
[29] In the novel, Qinghefalls under the administrative control of Dongping municipality, Shandong.Historically, however, Qinghe was not in Shandong but in Hebei. During theNorthern Song (960-1127) it functioned as the administrative center of Beicounty (Beizhou 貝州) onthe Hebei East Circuit (Hebei donglu 河北東路). In the Ming period it was part of Daming 大名municipality (laterchanged to Guangping 廣平). Today it is Xingtai 邢臺shi (in Hebei). When Bai Yueserved as an official in Hejian municipality, he was not very far away from Qinghe.
[30] Lu Xun 魯迅(1881-1936), writing in the Prefaceto the Japanese translation of his Zhongguoxiaoshuo shilue中國小說史略(Brief History of Chinese Fiction) observed that dialogue in thenovel was written completely in Shandong dialect (全用山東的方言). LuXun quanji魯迅全集(Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1980), 6.347-48.
[31] Ming Shilu 明實錄(Taibei:Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1962), 154.2973.
[32]See, for instance, Shang Xunfu Chen Zhongcheng shu 上巡撫陳中丞書(Presentinga Letter to the Grand Coordinator, Vice Censor Chen), in Bai Luoyuan yigao, 96.178, and Yu Zhongling shu 與鍾令書 (Letter to Zhongling),in Bai Luoyuan yigao, 96.184. These sources confirm that each time hisfather would go to take up a new official post Bai Yue (and probably the rest ofthe family) would accompany him.
[33] For the two examples justcited, see Jing Ping Mei cihua, 94.1296,and 79.1130, respectively. This modern edition of the Jin Ping Mei cihua betrays the original text by changing the月character to 藥 (94.1296).
[34] It is worth noting thatthe author of JPM is also fond ofusing expressions drawn from Wu 吳dialect. Several of these, such as apo阿婆 (an elderly woman), guazimian瓜子面(lit., face like a melon-seed face; in other words,a flat face without any prominent features), and roudouzi 肉兜子(lit., meat bag; referring to meat-filled buns or dumplings)are found in chapter 59 of the novel. As a native of Jiangsu, Bai Yue would ofcourse have been thoroughly familiar with Wu dialect.
[35] See Hanan’s Sources ofthe Chin P’ing Mei, Asia Major (New Series) 10.2 (1963):23-67. Two leading literature scholars in China, Wu Xiaoling 吳曉鈴and Xu Shuofang, alsosupport the Li Kaixian attribution of authorship (Xu argues that Li Kaixianproduced the final version of the novel, which others may have written parts ofearlier drafts). See the discussion and references on this in Plaks, Chin P’ing Mei, esp. 58. In my view, itis highly unlikely that Li Kaixian wrote the JPM. The reasons for this rejection of Li’s authorship are outlinedin Xu Yongming, Bai Yue yuqujia jiaoyou kao—Jin Ping Mei cihua zuozhe Bai Yue shuo sankao 白悅與曲家交遊考——《金瓶梅詞話》作者白悅說三考, MingQing xiaoshuo yanjiu明清小說研究(The Journal of Ming-Qing Fiction Studies)(2010.2): 66-74.The main argument in this article is that (1) there is dialogue in the novelitself that indicates the author was not a native of Shandong; (2) there is ahistorical-geographical error concerning a reign name of Emperor Wu of theLiang dynasty (see the discussion of this issue on pp. 6-7 above) that a nativeof Shandong like Li Kaixian would never have made.
[36]Whiletraveling on government business in Shaanxi in 1533 Bai Yue met with Kang Hai and Wang Jiusi.When they parted, Kang wrote a preface and Wang composed a series of poems inBai Yue’s honor. Around the same (although a precise date is lacking) they alsowroteversesthat were inscribed on Wen Zhengming’s Thatched Hall painting. And, asmentioned earlier, Wang Jiusi composed an obituary for Bai’s mother. Thereseems to be little doubt, then, that the tee men were on close terms. As forBai Yue’s relationship with Li Kaixian, they were also well acquainted and inhis series of verses on Sixty Masters—all of whom Li mentions were closefriends, Li Kaixian dedicates a verse to Bai Yue and in a note appended to thatpoem acknowledges Bai’s literary talent. See Li Kaixian, Liushi zi shi 六十子詩, in Li Kaixian quanji 李開先全集, edited by Bu Jian卜鍵 (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 2004), 383. Fora detailed description of Bao Yue’s friendship with Kang Hai, Wang Jiusi, andLi Kaixian, see Xu Yongming, Bai Yue yuqujia jiaoyou kao—Jin Ping Mei cihuazuozhe Bai Yue shuo sankao.
[37] Xu Shuofang notes severalthematic similarities between the Shuihuzhuan and Baojian ji in hisarticle Jing Ping Mei de xiedingzheshi Li Kaixian 金瓶梅的寫定者是李開先,Jin Ping Mei yanjiu 金瓶梅研究(Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 1984): 159-60.
[38] Shen Defu, Wanli yehuo bian 萬曆野獲編 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959),25.652. Also translated in Hanan, The Text of the Chin Ping Mei, Asia Major (New Series) 9.1 (1962): 47-48.
[39] Quoted from Wu Han 吳晗, Jin Ping Mei de zhuzuo shidai ji qi shehui beijing 金瓶梅的著作時代及其社會背景, in Lun Jin Ping Mei 論金瓶梅(Beijing: Wenhua yishuchubanshe, 1984), 12.
[40] The strongest refutationof the Wang Shizhen authorship theory appears in Wu Han’s Jin Ping Mei de zhuzuo shidai ji qishehui beijing,11-47.
[41] Cf. Patrick Hanan, TheText of the Chin Ping Mei, 48, n. 83,who, citing Wu Han’s article Jin PingMei de zhuzuo shidai ji qi shehui beijing, 2-19, rejects the politicalallegory reading of the novel.
[42]It should perhaps also be repeated here that Yan Song was presumably behind theframing and assassination of his political rival Xia Yan. This is the same XiaYan mentioned earlier, with whom Bai Yue was acquainted. In fact, before he waskilled Xia Yan wanted Bai Yue to serve as a witness in his defense against thefalse charges brought against him by Yan Song. See Xia’s Zou bian jianxie dachenpeng mou wuxian qiwang shu奏辯奸邪大臣朋謀誣陷欺罔疏(Memorialin Five Thousand Words Diagnosing Crafty and Evil Powerful Ministers and TheirAssociates Who Scheme to Frame [the Innocent]andDeceive [the Emperor]), in Xia Guizhouwenji, 74.651. Xia Yan in his obituary for Wu Jie refers to Bai Yue as anold acquaintance (jiuzhi 舊知;see Tomb Account Obituary,in Xia Guizhou wenji, 14:75.41), itseems likely, then, it that Bai Yue would have testified on Xia Yan’s behalf. Finally,since Bai Yue served in the same post in the Seals Office that Yan Song hadpreviously held, this could only have made him more aware of and sensitiveabout the scandal over Xia Yan’s murder. Li Kaixian’s play Story of thePrecious Sword may also have stimulated Bai’s sympathy for Xia Yan.
[43] Zhang Tingyu 張廷玉(1672-1755) et al., comps., Mingshi 明史(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 308.7918.
[44] As noted by Plaks, Chin P’ing Mei, 65, the prevailingscholarly opinion regards this recension as the hypothetical original form ofthe novel.
[45] That is, the Liu family. Xu’sgreat-granddaughter was married to Liu Chengxi’s father. It is not known where the Liu family got itscomplete copy, but I suspect it came from Xu Jie in the capital (see the discussion that follows below).
[46] Wanli Yehuo bian, 15.652. My translation here generally followsthat of Hanan, The Text of the Chin PingMei, 46-47, with some minor changes.
[47]Following Xu Jie, these include: Wang Shizhen (1526-1590; I suspect that WangShizhen’s complete version of the text can also be traced back to Bai Yue’sson, Bai Qichang, but that is a matter for a future article), Tu Benjun屠本畯(1542-1622), Dong Qichang 董其昌 (1555-1636), Liu Chengxi(ca.1560-?), Xie Zhaozhi謝肇淛(1567-1624), YuanHongdao (1568-1610), Feng Menglong (1574-1646),Yuan Zhongdao (1575-1630), andShen Defu (1578-1642). Cf. Patrick Hanan, The Text of the Chin Ping Mei, 39,who says that the earliest reference to the novel was made by Dong Qichang.Hanan (50) also says that because Xu Jie died in 1583 it is most unlikely onthat ground alone that he could have had any connection with the Chin P’ingMei. This view dismisses the testimony of Shen Defu about Liu Chengxi’scomplete edition deriving from Xu Jie. In my research I have found Shen’scomments here and elsewhere about the novel to be credible and thus worthy ofconsideration.
[48] Tomb Account Obituary, in Xu Jie, Shijingtang ji, 16.704.
[49] If this manuscript wasindeed transmitted to Xu Jie directly from Bai Yue, or indirectly to him viaBai Qichang, then the composition of the exemplar text of the JPM would pre-date Bai Yue’s death in1551. Until further evidence is forthcoming, however, this of course mustremain as speculation. Having said that, there is evidence to support the argument that the novel was completedbefore the start of the Wanli reign period in 1573. For instance, Xu Shuofanghas demonstrated convincingly that absence of the term kunqu 崑曲 in the novel (referring to a varietyof southern music that became popular only afterthe start of the Wanli period) indicates a composition date that predates 1573.See his Jin Ping Mei, Xunzi, Huang Liangshan zhuang, 74. Also, based on adetailed study of the names of eighty-five historical figures from the Mingdynasty mentioned in the JPM, themodern scholar Huo Xianjun 霍現俊has shown that all but five of them date from various reignperiods that precede the Wanli era.Huo contends—and I agree—that if the novel had been written during (or after)the Wanli reign, many more historical personages from the era would have beenmentioned in the novel. See his Cong Mingdai lishi renwu kan Jin Ping Mei cihua suo fanying deshidai 從明代歷史人物看<<金瓶梅詞話>>所反映的時代, in Jin Ping Mei yanjiu 金瓶梅研究8 (Beijing: Zhongguo wenshi chubanshe, 2005): 41-53 (see esp.the remarks on p. 50).
文章作者单位：Zhejiang University（浙江大学）
刊于VOL33,2011 Chinese literature essays,articles and reviews(CLEAR)
